Category Archives: National

An Extremely Detailed Map of the 2016 Presidential Election – The New York Times

This map shows President’s Trump victory was not a fluke event. Most of the country is ‘red’. This means most of the country believes in the republican message. This map is extremely red. Democrats’ saving grace is most of the major population centers are ‘blue’. But it’s easy to see how Trump won the electoral college. The more I look at this map the more astounding it is.

Source: An Extremely Detailed Map of the 2016 Presidential Election – The New York Times

The Most Racist Statue in America Is in … Pittsburgh, and It’s the Most Ridiculous Magical Negro You’ll Ever See 

There are times, like when watching footage of what happened in Charlottesville, Va., that racism bombards the senses like a virus, leaving your skin sore, your soul hardened and your spirit fatigued; a disillusioning, full-body wizening that disrupts, destroys and (occasionally) ends lives.

Source: The Most Racist Statue in America Is in … Pittsburgh, and It’s the Most Ridiculous Magical Negro You’ll Ever See 

Lakewood welfare: Half of children get assistance; families ‘panic’ after arrests|APP

 Can you even begin to imagine how quickly Black people would have been outed if we tried this kind of fraud. Some of these people lived in $300,000 homes. Now to turn the story away from the crooks, white media is talking about the “sickening” anti-semitic reactions coming from the white public.

These four women were charged with 60 felony counts for welfare fraud over $100,000. Let’s see how many charges the Lakewood fraud people get.

LAKEWOOD – Welfare is so widespread in the township that half of all children live in homes that receive some form of government aid, an Asbury Park Press analysis of census data found.

But one statistic stands out among all other municipalities in the state. There are 10,000 more children in households with married couples in Lakewood receiving food, income or state aid than the next closest town.

A child daycare center was also used to help hide one couple’s true income, according to the charges.

Using public records, federal complaints and interviews with law enforcement officials, the Asbury Park Press examined the puzzle works of the government assistance fraud charges.

More than $1 million flowed through limited-liability companies – legitimate corporations set up to hide ownership – that enlisted relatives as straw owners and used corporate bank accounts to hide money, according to the charges.

At the center of most transactions was a local beeper store that helped transfer money across the globe, the charges state. As the 14 suspects were claiming poverty on government documents, they took in hundreds of thousands of dollars in undeclared income from the front companies.

The paper trail shows the relative ease the families had in allegedly defrauding the government. In one case, authorities say a woman was able to withdraw $1.5 million from a company and deposit the money into her personal bank account while still collecting public assistance.

Federal criminal complaints against Shimon and Yocheved Nussbaum, of Hadassah Lane, and Mordechai and Rachel Sorotzkin, of Albert Avenue, detail how one couple – the Nussbaums – is accused of moving money between companies they controlled and the other – the Sorotzkins – simply failed to report their full income.

These four arrests, as well as another 10 on state charges, have sent shock waves through the township

Hundreds of residents have called local officials to ask about amnesty for public assistance fraud, and dozens have begun canceling their benefits through Ocean County Social Services, authorities said.

In a statement issued late Wednesday and signed by Rabbi Mose Zev Weisberg, the Lakewood Vaad said it was “saddened beyond words” by the arrests, but added “As firm believers in the principle of ‘innocent until proven guilty,’ we suspend judgment until the disposition of these charges, and are comforted knowing that our judicial system is an able arbiter of justice.”

Source: Lakewood welfare: Half of children get assistance; families ‘panic’ after arrests|APP

Mother of Philando Castile Speaks Out Against Not Guilty Verdict

People talk about Trenton street violence, that ain’t nothing compared to the violence of police shooting a man down in the street for nothing and the entire weight of the ‘justice, legal system’ standing in support of him. This systemic violence against people of color worldwide is the fight of The Nubian News. We must replace the system of white supremacy/racism with a system of justice.

Zuckerberg-Backed Data Trove Exposes the Injustices of Criminal Justice

“Better access to criminal justice data is important for informing efforts to make our communities safer and our criminal justice system fairer,” said Democratic strategist David Plouffe, who now serves as the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative’s president of policy and advocacy, in a statement. “You can’t solve a problem if you don’t have the facts.”

 

Source: Zuckerberg-Backed Data Trove Exposes the Injustices of Criminal Justice

Medical Apartheid: The dark history of medical experimentation

This is sickening. Everyday I realize, again, just how uncivilized they are.

The Tuskegee Syphilis Study remains an ignominious milestone in the intertwined histories of race and medical science in U.S. society. Initiated in 1932, this tragic 40-year long public health project resulted in almost 400 impoverished and unwitting African American men in Macon County, Ala., being left untreated for syphilis. Researchers wanted to observe how the disease progressed differently in blacks in its late stages and to examine its devastating effects with postmortem dissection.

 

Source Medical Aparthied

China Sounds the Alarm on U.S. Human Rights Violations

On the issue of racism, China seems to ask how America can preach to other countries about their human rights records when Black people are treated so badly. Racism persisted and race relations worsened in the U.S., the report concluded, citing a 2016 report to the United Nations Human Rights Council from the UN’s Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent that America’s racial problems are severe. “The colonial history, enslavement, racial subordination and segregation, racial terrorism and racial inequality in the United States remained a serious challenge. Police killings were reminiscent of the past racial terror of lynching. The United States was undergoing a ‘human rights crisis,’” the Chinese report said.

China found that the U.S. State Department poses as “the judge of human rights,” wielding “the baton of human rights,” pointing fingers and blaming other countries for their own human rights issues, while ignoring its own “terrible” human rights problems.

Making its point, China pointed to the prevalence of gun violence in the U.S., including 58,125 gun-related incidents in 2016, including 385 mass shootings, 15,039 deaths and 30,589 injured. The report also pointed to America’s high rate of incarceration, with 693 prisoners per 100,000 — the second-highest rate in the world — and 2.2 million Americans imprisoned as of 2014. Citing the Harvard Law Review, the report said that 70 million Americans, or nearly one in three adults, have been incarcerated and have some form of criminal record.

The human rights report covers other troubling statistics. For example, one in seven Americans remain in poverty and average life expectancy fell from 78.9 years to 78.8 years, the first drop in life expectancy in over 20 years. Police abuse and deaths in custody are high, according to the report, and officers are rarely criminally charged for killing civilians. “About 1,000 civilians are killed by police each year, but only 77 officers have been charged with manslaughter or murder in connection with those deaths between 2005 and 2016,” the report said, citing statistics from The Washington Post.

Source: China Sounds the Alarm on U.S. Human Rights Violations

Chuck Berry, dead at 90, invented the idea of rock and roll.

 

No Chuck Berry, no rock and roll.

The origins of rock and roll were messy. The music didn’t evolve in a linear fashion; it’s never been clear who invented it, or what exactly the first rock and roll song was, so people have been arguing about it ever since. Some people will make a case for this or that early classic or moment—Ike Turner’s 1951 “Rocket 88,” say, or even something like (my nominee) Sister Rosetta Tharpe windmilling a solid-body electric guitar as a gospel group behind her sang to the heavens—but each of these in some way isn’t the full story. There are always progenitors doing something entirely different somewhere else. The best thing you can do, as the scholar Ed Ward does in the first volume of his just-released History of Rock & Roll, is to go back and track down all the folks who were doing those weird things, with the caution that it was not a linear tale. Phil Everly, of the Everly Brothers, sang professionally from the time he was in grade school and closely watched the music evolve. He put it this way: It was, he said, “like four or five avenues rolling toward one another.”

All that said, there’s a way in which this debate misses the point, and the way it misses the point always comes back to Chuck Berry. Berry is still around—he just turned 90, and even announced that he’s releasing a new album. He knew the blues, and he knew country, and he was there when rock started. But he also knew something that other people didn’t. The most important thing he gave us was something not musical. It was an idea.

But first, some context. Beginning as far back as the late 1930s and stretching to the early ‘50s, with varying amounts of nerve and gregariousness, a number of crackpots and journeymen started playing around with the extant musical genres of the day. Some played jazz or blues but started putting pop and even country in it. Others played country and started putting blues into it. Some even sang gospel, and put an electric guitar into that. Some had chips on their shoulders, looking for something new and explosive; others were just doing what came naturally and weren’t looking to offend. What some people like about rock and roll—one of the things I like about rock and roll—is that this messiness is a metaphor. Like the nation it was formed in, under an abstract conception it created itself and drew paradoxical strength from its differences.

It also ended up making a lot of money for a few people. It’s true, but a bit reductive, to say rock was just the proffering of a cash product to a new consumer. That doesn’t explain how these often confrontational sounds no one had asked for became a sensation. (A good definition of rock, in fact, is that it’s popular music that to a certain degree doesn’t care if it’s popular.) Those consumers didn’t know what they wanted either; it turned out they were just in the grip of an inchoate desire for something new. In some of the new sounds they could sense a stubbornness, a reflexive pushback—a bit defiant, a bit mischievous—against some of the artificial boundaries of the society. One of those boundaries, however artificial, had some pretty determined adherents, and in strictly sociological terms, the sound of the music aside, rock really began when records made by blacks started to get exposure to a white audience, and some white kids decided they liked it. Then, you might say, market forces began to shape the music. But that didn’t stop the innovation. Rock and roll was black music that let whites play it, and (not incidentally) vice versa; it was spiritual music that went carnal, regional music that went national (and then international), and rural music that went urban. (It was also sex music that came out of the bedroom.) There seems to be something inherent in the music that doesn’t like boundaries; it fed on the tensions that resulted.

“Rock Around the Clock,” by the New York group Bill Haley and the Comets, wasn’t the first rock record, but – more

Source: Chuck Berry, dead at 90, invented the idea of rock and roll.

Shirley Chisholm : The First Black Congresswoman

A Black woman’s bespectacled face appeared in front of a podium. Her head was barely visible above the forest of microphones. It was 1972, and Shirley Chisholm was announcing her historic run for the White House, challenging fellow Democrats George McGovern, Hubert Humphrey, Edmund Muskie, Henry M. Jackson and George Wallace. “I am not the candidate of Black America, although I am Black and proud. I am not the candidate of the woman’s movement of this country, although I am a woman and I am equally proud of that.”

Before Carol Moseley Braun, before Barack Obama, before Hillary Clinton, Shirley Chisholm was both the first woman and the first African American to run for the nomination of a major party for President of the United States. Already the first black woman to be elected to the United States Congress in 1968, Chisholm made her ambitious attempt to win the White House decades before her country was ready for her, garnering just 152 delegate votes at the Democratic National Convention.

Although dismissed at the time, Shirley Chisholm was a Presidential candidate of considerable substance and experience. She’d served for years in the New York State Assembly and had a strong, loyal base of support in Brooklyn. As a member of Congress, she fought for programs like Head Start, school lunches and food stamps. She was one of only 19 Representatives willing to hold hearings on the Vietnam War. And she was a founding member of both the Congressional Black Caucus and the Congressional Women’s Caucus.

In spite of her impressive background, Chisholm was never able to consolidate support from what should have been her two largest constituencies—women and minorities.

“Feminists were split over her candidacy,” recalls Gottlieb. “Gloria Steinem, who you would expect to have supported her, supported McGovern instead. That was significant and it hurt on a personal level quite a bit. . . .you can’t look at 1972 through the same magnifying glass as 2016. Having a woman run for President was like having somebody from Mars run for President. And you then have a black woman running for president and everybody, all interest groups, were grappling with ‘how do you deal with such a changed landscape?’ People were not comfortable with having a black woman. And she often said, between being black and being a woman, the biggest problem was being a woman.”

Black women tended to support her, but sexism was so prevalent at the time that she was discriminated against within the brand-new Black Congressional Caucus.

“They certainly were a cohesive group within Congress,” Gottlieb says. “But I recall hearing about a great deal of tension between certain male members and Mrs. Chisholm. There clearly was within the black caucus a significant degree of sexism that she felt.”

Black male voters did not rally around Shirley Chisholm. Her candidacy came at a time when black political leaders were unsure about how to exercise power during the upcoming election. There was no obvious choice of a black candidate who seemed to have a real chance of winning.

Julian Bond, then a representative in Georgia’s state House of Representatives and already a prominent national figure, favored having black voters in each state support a ‘favorite son’ of that state. In each case, the candidate would not be expected to win the nomination, but a collection of delegates for various black candidates from around the country could be a deciding force at the nominating convention. This could allow black voters to make changes to the party platform.

The slogan, “unbought and unbossed” appeared on Chisholm’s campaign posters, one of which resides in the collections of the National Museum of African American of History and Culture. (NMAAHC, Gift of Ellen Brooks)

SMITHSONIAN.COM

Robert Gottlieb was first an intern in Chisholm’s Congressional office and later hired as the student coordinator for her presidential campaign, which would come to rely heavily on the support of college students. “She was unafraid of anybody,” says Gottlieb. “Her slogan was ‘unbought and unbossed.’ She was really unbossed.”

The slogan appeared on Chisholm’s campaign posters, one of which resides in the collections of the National Museum of African American of History and Culture. Her posters and buttons left no doubt about who she was. One badge showed her face surrounded by the circle of an astrological Venus symbol. She didn’t downplay her feminism—she flaunted it. The very idea of a black woman in politics who made no apologies made her something of a punch line. Comedian Redd Foxx famously quipped, “I sure as hell prefer Raquel Welch to Shirley Chisholm.”

“So I’m 21 years old. I’m a senior in college. I’m raring to go,” says Gottlieb, who is now an attorney in New York City. “And my first trip was to North Carolina to go to some colleges to try to organize students. And I had to wait until we received the bumper stickers and brochures that we could hand out. Coming from the printer they were in boxes.  . . . but on the outside of the box you had one bumper sticker. On the other was one brochure, ‘Chisholm for President.’ I took a plane to Raleigh, North Carolina. And I go to pick up my bags and the brochures and bumper stickers from the luggage carousel. And scrawled all over it was ‘go home n*****.’ That’s how the campaign began.”

Although dismissed at the time, Shirley Chisholm was a Presidential candidate of considerable substance and experience. She’d served for years in the New York State Assembly and had a strong, loyal base of support in Brooklyn. As a member of Congress, she fought for programs like Head Start, school lunches and food stamps. She was one of only 19 Representatives willing to hold hearings on the Vietnam War. And she was a founding member of both the Congressional Black Caucus and the Congressional Women’s Caucus.

In spite of her impressive background, Chisholm was never able to consolidate support from what should have been her two largest constituencies—women and minorities.

“Feminists were split over her candidacy,” recalls Gottlieb. “Gloria Steinem, who you would expect to have supported her, supported McGovern instead. That was significant and it hurt on a personal level quite a bit. . . .you can’t look at 1972 through the same magnifying glass as 2016. Having a woman run for President was like having somebody from Mars run for President. And you then have a black woman running for president and everybody, all interest groups, were grappling with ‘how do you deal with such a changed landscape?’ People were not comfortable with having a black woman. And she often said, between being black and being a woman, the biggest problem was being a woman.”

Black women tended to support her, but sexism was so prevalent at the time that she was discriminated against within the brand-new Black Congressional Caucus.

“They certainly were a cohesive group within Congress,” Gottlieb says. “But I recall hearing about a great deal of tension between certain male members and Mrs. Chisholm. There clearly was within the black caucus a significant degree of sexism that she felt.”

Black male voters did not rally around Shirley Chisholm. Her candidacy came at a time when black political leaders were unsure about how to exercise power during the upcoming election. There was no obvious choice of a black candidate who seemed to have a real chance of winning.

Julian Bond, then a representative in Georgia’s state House of Representatives and already a prominent national figure, favored having black voters in each state support a ‘favorite son’ of that state. In each case, the candidate would not be expected to win the nomination, but a collection of delegates for various black candidates from around the country could be a deciding force at the nominating convention. This could allow black voters to make changes to the party platform.

Shirley Chisholm Congressional Portrait
Shirley Chisholm was elected to the United States Congress in 1968 and made a run for the White House in 1972. (Wikipedia, portrait by Kadir Nelson)

Carl Stokes, former congressman and the first black mayor of Cleveland (or any other major American city), was mulling a bid but never actually entered the race. Some black leaders thought that he had enough of a national reputation to be a serious contender. Others wanted to throw their support behind a white candidate who seemed to have a chance of winning.

In the midst of this confusion, Chisholm seized the initiative by announcing her run. “They were standing around, peeing on their shoes,” an unnamed Chisholm aide told The New York Times. “So Shirley finally said the hell with it and got a campaign going. If she hadn’t, we’d still be without a black candidate.”

Bond did not appreciate Chisholm’s bold move. “We may have been peeing on our shoes, but if we were, she wasn’t around to get splashed.”

The black vote was potentially a powerful force in the 1972 election, but it was fragmented among regional leaders who could not agree how to wield it together. For example, Georgia State Senator Leroy Johnson had a large organization in Atlanta but he turned it over to Ed Muskie, who was the front-running white candidate at the time. Louis Stokes, the first black member of Congress from Ohio, threw his support and organization behind Hubert Humphrey rather than his colleague in the black caucus. He may have been upset that Chisholm jumped into the race before his brother, Carl, could make up his mind. Alcee Hastings, a recently failed U.S. Senate candidate in Florida and prominent black leader (who would later be elected to Congress, where he remains), endorsed Muskie.

Jesse JacksonJohn Conyers Jr. and Julian Bond all traveled to Ohio to stump for George McGovern. The black vote, as an organized entity, did not exist. Black leadership had Balkanized since the death of Martin Luther King, Jr. only four years earlier. Black political leaders had more to gain by becoming the token black endorser of a major white candidate than by uniting around Shirley Chisholm.

The most dramatic point of the 1972 primary came when George Wallace, governor of Alabama and presidential candidate, was shot five times in an unsuccessful assassination attempt. Wallace, a semi-reformed segregationist who ran openly racist campaign advertisements, was left paralyzed from the waist down for the rest of his life.

Surprising everyone and angering her own supporters, Chisholm visited her racist rival in the hospital.

“Thinking about it then and now, that says everything you need to know about her,” says Gottlieb. “She did not agree with anything Wallace stood for. There’s no question about that. …but she understood that if you really care about the country and you want to affect change you have to embrace everybody. She was a true human being of sensitivity, commitment. And when he was shot, he was a human being in pain. And she wasn’t going to turn her back on him.”

“I couldn’t stay long because he was very ill,” Chisholm said in an interview late in her life, and the doctors told me, ‘Congresswoman you have to leave him.’ And he held on to my hand so tightly, he didn’t want me to go.”

“She did not think that she was ever going to be elected president,” Gottlieb says. “She felt strongly about her issues and she thought that only she could talk about them in a way people would listen to. And she hoped to get enough delegates to go to the convention as a power broker.”

Chisholm arrived at the convention with 152 delegates—more than either Ed Muskie or Hubert Humphrey. Her plan had been to hope for a deadlocked convention in which she could use her delegates to negotiate a black running mate, a woman to serve in the cabinet and a Native American as Secretary of the Interior. But McGovern had put together 1,729 delegates and had no incentive to make any deals at the convention.

Chisholm went back to Congress where she continued to serve until 1981. She rose in leadership to become the Secretary of the House Democratic Caucus (Geraldine Ferraro succeeded her and was later nominated for Vice President, having at that time less experience in elected office than Chisholm had in 1972).

Gottlieb says that in modern politics, “there’s nobody even in Congress” like Shirley Chisholm, who died in 2005.

Today, the first black president is preparing to leave office and a woman is fighting for the Democratic nomination in a contest where her sex is at most a minor issue. Shirley Chisholm paved the way for both of them. But in an interview towards the end of her life, she downplayed her run for the White House relative to the whole of her life.

“I want history to remember me… not as the first black woman to have made a bid for the presidency of The United States,” Chisholm said, “but as a black woman who lived in the 20th century and who dared to be herself. I want to be remembered as a catalyst for change in America.”

Keith Olbermann Has A Message To Share With Your Trump-Supporting Friends

“Let’s go in on the assumption you’re smarter than I am.”

 

Source: Keith Olbermann Has A Message To Share With Your Trump-Supporting Friends

Loving the Black Perspective